대한민국의 미래를 디자인하는 글로벌 집현전경제ㆍ인문사회연구회

주요내용

□ 세계적으로 사회구조, 국가 간 관계, 개인의 일상생활이 급격하게 변화하고, 국가 간 상호의존도와 교류가 빈번해지는 상황에서 사회 변화에 대한 정책적 대응 역시 동일 문화권 내에서 빈번하게 교류, 협력이 일어나는 국가 간 관계망 속에서 연구할 필요가 있음.

□ 본 연구는 한국, 중국, 일본, 대만이 공통적으로 겪고 있는 “인구 및 가족구조”의 변화, 동아시아 내 그리고 동아시아 밖과의 교류에서 발생하는 “이주와 세계화”, 그리고 특히 최근 들어 첨예한 문제로 떠오른 한일문제에 대한 해법과 미래지향적 한일관계의 모색을 위한 “한일 국민 간 상호 인식” 등의 3개의 주제에 관해 자료를 수집하고 분석함.

□ 세 주제와 관련해 한국이 다른 3개국과 비교하여 가지는 공통점과 차이점을 분석함으로써 사회 변화의 양상과 이에 따른 정책적 대응 방안을 모색함.

요약/내용

<서 론 부>
□ 세계적으로 사회구조, 국가 간 관계, 개인의 일상생활이 급격하게 변화하고, 국가 간 상호의존도와
교류가 빈번해지는 상황에서 사회 변화에 대한 정책적 대응 역시 동일 문화권 내에서 빈번하게
교류, 협력이 일어나는 국가 간 관계망 속에서 연구할 필요가 있음.
□ 본 연구는 한국, 중국, 일본, 대만이 공통적으로 겪고 있는 “인구 및 가족구조”의 변화, 동아시아
내 그리고 동아시아 밖과의 교류에서 발생하는 “이주와 세계화”, 그리고 특히 최근 들어 첨예한
문제로 떠오른 한일문제에 대한 해법과 미래지향적 한일관계의 모색을 위한 “한일 국민 간 상호
인식” 등의 3개의 주제에 관해 자료를 수집하고 분석함.
□ 세 주제와 관련해 한국이 다른 3개국과 비교하여 가지는 공통점과 차이점을 분석함으로써 사회
변화의 양상과 이에 따른 정책적 대응 방안을 모색함.
<제1부: 가족의 변화>
□ 이 연구는 동아시아 국가를 대상으로 가족의 의미와 관계 변화를 탐색하고, 한국 사회에서의
가족 가치가 다른 국가들과 비교하여 가지는 공통점과 차이점을 분석함으로써 가족정책의 방향을
모색하고 정책적 제언을 이끌어 내는 것을 목적으로 함.
○ 이를 위해 한국, 중국, 일본, 대만과 공동으로 진행하고 있는 동아시아사회조사(East Asian
Social Survey, EASS) 내 가족모듈 설문조사의 2006년과 2016년 자료를 이용하여 10년간의
변화 추이와 4개국의 국제비교를 통해 한국 사회의 가족관계 변화를 비교 분석적 시각으로
접근함.
○ 구체적인 연구 주제는 ‘인구구조와 가족의 변화’, ‘동아시아 가족의 변화’, ‘가족관계의 변화
와 갈등’, ‘가족관계와 삶의 질’, ‘미래의 가족’ 등 10년간 한국 가족의 시계열적 변화를
분석함.
□ 주요 연구결과를 요약하면 다음과 같음.
□ 아직까지는 이민이 가져오는 경제적 효과에 대해서는 다수의 한국인들이 긍정적으로 평가하고
있으며, 노동시장에서의 경쟁 등과 같은 부작용에 대해서도 그리 심각하게 생각하고 있지는 않음을
알 수 있음.
○ 이민이 가져올 수 있는 부정적인 경제적 효과로 가장 흔히 꼽을 수 있는 것은 노동시장에서의
경쟁으로 인한 내국인에 대한 직업 박탈 효과─나아가 그로 인한 임금 하락 가능성─이지만,
대부분의 한국인들은 이민으로 인한 내국인의 직업 박탈 효과를 그리 높지 않게 생각하고
있음.
□ 이민자들의 문화적 기여에 대해서는 찬성과 반대 의견이 비슷한 수준으로 낮게 나타났음.
○ 이민이 한국 사회에 끼치는 영향과 관련하여 한국인들은 이민자들의 경제적 기여를 상대적으
로 높게 평가하고 있는 반면에 이민자들이 문화적으로 한국 사회에 기여하는 것은 그다지
크지 않다고 생각하고 있음.
□ 2003년 이후 10년 동안 가장 눈에 띄는 변화는 이민자들로 인해 한국 사회의 범죄율이 상승할
것이라는 생각이 강화되었다는 점임.
○ 이민이 한국 사회에 가져오는 영향과 관련하여 가장 큰 변화를 나타낸 것은 다름이 아닌
범죄율 상승과 같은 사회적 효과임.
□ 전체적으로 보아 한국인들의 이민자 동화에 대한 태도는 “분리”와 “통합” 사이에서 팽팽히 맞서고
있는 상황임.
○ 2003년 대비 2013년에 “통합”보다는 “분리”, 즉 이민자들의 한국 사회에의 완전한 적응보다는
이민자들의 고유한 특성을 있는 그대로 받아들여 문화적 다양성을 추구하고자 하는 방향으
로 움직이고 있음을 확인할 수 있으나, 그 차이가 확연하지는 않음.
○ “통합”과 “분리” 원리를 놓고 50 대 50으로 나뉜 현상을 보다 자세히 설명하기 위하여 수행한
회귀분석 결과는 명확하고 일관된 해답을 제공해 주고 있지 않음.
○ 이는 이민자 동화에 대한 한국인들의 태도가 연령, 성별, 교육수준, 소득수준 등과 같은
사회인구학적 요인들로 간단히 설명될 수 있는 요인이 아님을 시사해 줌.
□ 동아시아 국가들의 국수주의 태도는 경감된 것으로 확인됨.
○ 한국과 마찬가지로 중국과 대만에서도 국수주의적 태도의 하락을 확인할 수 있음.
？ 한국을 포함한 세 개 국가 가운데, 중국의 국수주의 성향이 가장 강하고 대만의 국수주의
태도가 가장 약한 것으로 평가됨.

목차

서 론 부 ····················································································································· 1
제1절 연구의 배경과 목적 ································································································ 3
제2절 연구 방법 및 내용 ·································································································· 9
제1부 가족의 변화 ··································································································· 11
제1장 서 론 ··········································································································· 13
제1절 연구의 필요성 및 목적 ························································································ 13
제2절 연구의 내용 및 방법 ···························································································· 15
제2장 인구구조와 가족의 변화 ··········································································· 19
제1절 혼인행위 ················································································································ 19
제2절 여성과 남성의 사회적 역할 ················································································· 29
제3절 노년세대 부양 ······································································································· 40
제3장 동아시아의 가족 변화 ·············································································· 47
제1절 한국, 일본, 중국, 대만의 가족 형성 변화 ·························································· 47
제2절 한국, 일본, 중국, 대만의 가족관계 변화 ···························································· 51
제3절 한국, 일본, 중국, 대만의 가족가치관 변화 ························································ 57
제4절 소결 및 정책적 함의 ···························································································· 89
제4장 가족관계의 변화와 갈등 ··········································································· 93
제1절 세대 간 관계와 자원 교류 ··················································································· 93
제2절 가정 내 성역할 태도 ·························································································· 117
제3절 일·가정 양립 ····································································································· 124
제4절 소결 및 정책적 함의 ·························································································· 128
제5장 가족관계와 삶의 질 ················································································ 133
제1절 서 론 ···················································································································· 133
제2절 가족의 물리적·사회적 지지 ·············································································· 136
제3절 가족과 함께하는 시간 ························································································ 155
제4절 가족 건강 ············································································································ 164
제5절 삶의 만족도 ········································································································· 170
제6절 가족관계와 삶의 질 ···························································································· 177
제7절 소결 및 정책적 함의 ·························································································· 186
제6장 미래의 가족 ····························································································· 193
제1절 미래의 가족과 가족규범 ····················································································· 193
제2절 연구방법 ·············································································································· 194
제3절 혼인행위 ·············································································································· 197
제4절 여성과 남성의 사회적 역할 ··············································································· 208
제5절 세대 간 경제적 지원 ·························································································· 215
제6절 소결 ······················································································································ 224
제7장 결 론 ········································································································ 229
제1절 주요 연구 결과 ··································································································· 229
제2절 연구의 시사점 및 정책 제언 ············································································· 232
제3절 연구의 활용 및 향후 과제 ················································································· 236
제2부 이주와 세계화 ··························································································· 239
제8장 서 론 ········································································································ 241
제1절 연구의 필요성 및 목적 ······················································································ 241
제2절 연구의 내용 및 방법 ·························································································· 243
제9장 한국의 이민 수용 추이 (2008~2018) ··············································· 247
제1절 한국 내 외국인 이주민 인구의 변화 추이 ······················································· 247